What Brazil's anti-betting campaign does not reveal about regulation and gambling disorder treatment
Created in June 2026 by the collective 342 Artes, the Block no Tigrinho campaign quickly gained visibility on social media by bringing together artists, influencers and thousands of supporters to oppose online betting and virtual casinos in Brazil. The anti-betting campaign received support from names such as Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil, Chico Buarque, Djavan, Camila Pitanga, Letícia Sabatella, Emicida, Baco Exu do Blues and Anitta. Within a few days, the newspaper Correio Braziliense reported that the group had surpassed 27,000 signatures on its manifesto.
Beyond celebrities and videos shared on social media, the campaign also operates a digital mobilisation structure. After registering on the official website, participants are directed to state-based WhatsApp groups, where administrators distribute content, polls and “missions” to expand the initiative’s reach.
A group for the state of São Paulo had 690 participants at the time the report was accessed.
The description presents the space as a “Block no Tigrinho Content Hub.” Proposed activities include coordinated commenting campaigns, mass sharing and coordinated pressure efforts aimed at politicians and influencers. “Our objective is to provide our community with the best materials and arguments so that we can organise pressure campaigns targeting politicians and influencer hubs.”
The strategy is quite common in other sectors. Environmental organisations, trade unions, business associations and social movements use similar structures to engage supporters. Even so, the way the movement presents itself raises questions about the narrative it adopts, particularly regarding the regulated betting market.
The movement does not distinguish licensed operators from illegal platforms
Asked about the campaign’s position in an Instagram post that was also commented on by the Ministry of Health, representatives of Block no Tigrinho responded:
“Our campaign is against all betting operators and online casinos. The name Block no Tigrinho was chosen because Tigrinho has become the best-known symbol of this market.”
The statement clarifies an important point. Although the name refers to Fortune Tiger, a game popularly known as “Tigrinho,” the campaign is not limited to denouncing illegal operators or influencers involved in fraud. Its stated objective is to combat all online betting platforms, including companies authorised by the federal government.
This approach contrasts with the regulatory model adopted by Brazil since the implementation of fixed-odds betting. Licensed operators are subject to requirements related to user identification, age verification, game certification, anti-money laundering policies, self-exclusion tools, deposit limits and risk behaviour monitoring. Industry associations representing the regulated sector argue that equating authorised companies with clandestine platforms may confuse consumers.
In a statement published in June 2026, the Brazilian Institute for Responsible Gaming (IBJR) said that the campaign should focus its efforts on illegal betting and criticised materials released by the movement for failing to distinguish between different market segments. IBJR Chief Executive Officer Fernando Vieira has stated on different occasions that excessively restricting advertising by licensed companies may produce the opposite effect to that intended, making it harder to identify legalised operators and creating room for the expansion of the clandestine market. The National Association of Games and Lotteries (ANJL) has taken a similar position, arguing that advertising campaigns allow consumers to recognise brands subject to the supervision of Brazil’s Prize and Betting Secretariat (SPA), the federal gambling regulator, while illegal operators continue to operate without licences, without responsible gaming mechanisms and without paying taxes.
Data used by the campaign requires greater context
Another point that deserves attention is the figures presented by Block no Tigrinho. Among the statistics mentioned are claims that 1.8 million Brazilians became indebted because of online betting in 2024 and that 1.4 million may have a gambling-related disorder. Specialists in behavioural research usually make an important distinction between correlation and causality. Psychiatrist Hermano Tavares, a leading Brazilian expert on the study of gambling disorder, says that “Not every person who gambles develops an addiction, just as not every indebted person reached that situation because of gambling,” highlighting the need for caution when attributing direct causality between gambling and financial difficulties.
An indebted person may gamble, just as someone who gambles may develop financial difficulties. However, demonstrating that betting was the direct cause of indebtedness requires specific methodologies and longitudinal research. The same caution applies to estimates related to gambling disorder.
International studies indicate that only a portion of bettors develop problematic behaviours, while the majority use betting products recreationally. This does not mean minimising the impacts of gambling disorder, which is recognised as a disorder by the World Health Organization, but rather reinforces the need to contextualise statistics used in awareness campaigns.
It is also important to emphasise that, since the regulated market came into effect, the federal government has adopted several measures to reduce the risks of indebtedness and problematic gambling. Among them is the prohibition on the use of credit cards to fund betting, a practice associated with increased indebtedness in other jurisdictions.
Brazilian rules also prohibit welcome bonuses, require biometric identification of users, allow voluntary self-exclusion, require operators to offer financial and time limits, monitor behavioural patterns considered risky and, more recently, introduced a prohibition on financial institutions and payment companies processing transactions intended for unauthorised platforms. In addition, the Federal Supreme Court (STF) prohibited beneficiaries of Bolsa Família and the Continuous Cash Benefit (BPC) from using betting platforms, a measure that was later incorporated into the SPA’s supervisory system.
Although some people debate whether these measures are sufficient, they place Brazil among the markets that have chosen a harm reduction model rather than a total prohibition on betting.
What to do in case of risky behaviour
Brazil’s fixed-odds betting regulation is not limited to tax collection and operator licensing. Companies authorised by the SPA are required to provide tools aimed at consumer protection, including deposit limits, session time restrictions, temporary breaks and self-exclusion mechanisms.
Bettors should look out for warning signs such as using funds intended for paying bills, trying to recover losses through new bets, concealing expenses from family members or feeling anxiety and irritability when unable to gamble. Adopting strict financial limits and taking a temporary break from betting are among the measures suggested to prevent the worsening of risky behaviour.
Those who find it difficult to control their gambling activity may also seek free treatment through the Unified Health System (SUS), Brazil’s public healthcare system. Basic Health Units (UBSs) can provide initial assessment and refer patients for specialised treatment at Psychosocial Care Centers (CAPS), which offer multidisciplinary services for people with gambling-related disorders, alcohol dependence and other addictions. The Meu SUS Digital application also provides information on healthcare services available in each municipality.
In addition to the public network, civil society organisations and support groups have expanded access to psychological support and assistance for people affected by gambling disorder. Although the debate over the impacts of betting remains polarised between advocates of prohibition and regulation, specialists agree that increasing access to information, promoting responsible gaming and facilitating access to treatment are essential measures to reduce harm among more vulnerable consumers.
This article was first published on the Portuguese SiGMA News page on 24 June 2026.
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